WHO'S IN CHARGE HERE?
Magpie is a former journalist, attempted historian [No, you can't ask how her thesis is going], and full-time corvid of the lesbian persuasion. She keeps herself in birdseed by writing those bad computer manuals that you toss out without bothering to read them. She also blogs too much when she's not on deadline, both here and at Pacific Views.
Magpie roosts in Portland, Oregon, where she annoys her housemates (as well as her cats Medea, Whiskers, and Jane Doe) by attempting to play Irish music on the fiddle and concertina.
Just an interesting image we found over at wood s lot. We can't tell you much about it, other than it's a a 19th century advertising poster for a french brand of that legendary green liqueur, absinthe.
We like thinking about how that cat would have been acting after a few sips. Perhaps this advertising card is part of the answer.
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Posted by Magpie at 4:28 PM |
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Speaking of WMDs that the US left lying around in other countries ...
... Panama is still dealing with thousands of unexploded weapons left behind when the US gave up the Panama Canal in 1999. These weapons include 'live mortars, grenades, bombs, rockets and Agent Orange residue.' In addition, seven mustard gas bombs were abandoned on an uninhabited island in the Pacific. Officially, these weapons have killed 21 people in the last six years. The actual figure is believed to be higher, however.
Under the terms of the treaty by which the US returned the Canal Zone to Panama, the US promised to clean up weapons left on former firing ranges as much as 'practicable.' What this has meant is that about 8,000 acres of former firing ranges has been left uncleared. Many of those areas lie near inhabited areas and national parks, and are poorly marked with warning signs.
The United States says the jungle is too dense to cut a path through for bomb disposal experts, and warn that trying it would erode the topsoil and silt up the canal.
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld declared the issue closed when he visited Panama last year, and U.S. officials say Panama simply needs to keep people away from the former ranges.
John Lindsay-Poland, an author who wrote "Emperors in the Jungle" about the U.S. military in Panama, says many areas are easy to clean and that even zones of heavy vegetation could be made safe if Washington spent the time and money to do it.
He said the U.S. government should set a better example, especially in cleaning up the mustard gas bombs.
"When the U.S. has gone to war over weapons of mass destruction being in other country's hands, to abandon WMD in a country they used as a military training ground for nearly a century is irresponsible and hypocritical," he told Reuters....
The weapons cleanup controversy is not on the formal agenda for Bush's visit, but Panamanian Foreign Minister Samuel Lewis Navarro insisted last month that it was not over.
"We do not consider it a closed case in the same way we did not consider the canal question closed for 74 years," he said.
Via Reuters.
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Posted by Magpie at 2:03 PM |
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Which US agency will be in charge of handling the flu pandemic?
Lead departments have been identified for the medical response (Department of Health and Human Services), veterinary response (Department of Agriculture), international activities (Department of State) and the overall domestic incident management and Federal coordination (Department of Homeland Security).
That's right: the overall management of the federal response to an avian flu pandemic is going to be run by the same lot that couldn't deal with the Hurricane Katrina disaster.
Thanks to Effect Measure for calling this item to our attention.
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Posted by Magpie at 1:55 AM |
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Dubya cleans up the White House's problems with ethics.
In his own mind, anyway.
As Dubya's popularity continues to slide after the Plamegate indictment of Lewis Libby, and the possible indictment of Karl Rove looms, the need to do something to improve the image of the White House in the eyes of the US public is so obvious that even Dubya can see it. But, in typical Dubya style, the prez has gone for the appearance of doing something, rather than actually doing something: He's requiring all White House staff to attend briefings on ethics and handling classified documents.
We'd suggest that the administration's problems with ethics go just a little beyond what can be fixed by remedial training.
Via Washington Post.
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Posted by Magpie at 1:07 AM |
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Looking for WMDs? Try off the US coast.
And off the coast of Europe. And Asia. And Australia.
And, according to the Hampton Roads [VA] Daily Press, these WMDs are starting to come ashore in the US and elsewhere.
[Graphic: Hampton Roads Daily Press]
While it's been known for decades that the US military had done some offshore dumping of WMDs, the magnitude of that dumping is just now coming to light. According to figures obtained by the Daily Press, the Army dumped:
64 million pounds of nerve and mustard agents
400,000 chemical-filled bombs, land mines, and rockets
More than 500 tons of radioactive waste [tossed overboard or packed into the holds of ships that were then scuttled]
Dumping grounds for WMDs lie off at least 11 states [see map above]. Until now, few state officials and possibly none knew that these dumps existed.
The chemical agents could pose a hazard for generations. The Army has examined only a few of its 26 dump zones and none in the past 30 years.
The Army can't say exactly where all the weapons were dumped from World War II to 1970. Army records are sketchy, missing or were destroyed.
More dumpsites likely exist. The Army hasn't reviewed World War I-era records, when ocean dumping of chemical weapons was common.
"We do not claim to know where they all are," said William Brankowitz, a deputy project manager in the Army Chemical Materials Agency and a leading authority on the Army's chemical weapons dumping.
"We don't want to be cavalier at all and say this stuff was exposed to water and is OK. It can last for a very, very long time."
A drop of nerve agent can kill within a minute. When released in the ocean, it lasts up to six weeks, killing every organism it touches before breaking down into its nonlethal chemical components.
Mustard gas can be fatal. When exposed to seawater, it forms a concentrated, encrusted gel that lasts for at least five years, rolling around on the ocean floor, killing or contaminating sea life.
Sea-dumped chemical weapons might be slowly leaking from decades of saltwater corrosion, resulting in a time-delayed release of deadly chemicals over the next 100 years and an unforeseeable environmental effect. Steel corrodes at different rates, depending on the water depth, ocean temperature and thickness of the shells.
That was the conclusion of Norwegian scientists who in 2002 examined chemical weapons dumped off Norway after World War II by the U.S. and British militaries.
Overseas, more than 200 fishermen over the years have been burned by mustard gas pulled on deck. A fisherman in Hawaii was burned in 1976, when he brought up an Army-dumped mortar round full of mustard gas.
Until recently, it was commonly believed that the WMDs had been dumped deep enough that there was little danger of any of them washing ashore. Last year, however, clam dredgers working off New Jersey pulled up a shell that turned out to be filled with what turned out to be mustard gas in solid form.
It was the first ocean-dumped chemical weapon to somehow make its way to U.S. shores.
It was pulled up with clams in relatively shallow water only 20 miles off Atlantic City. The Army had no idea that chemical weapons were dumped in the area.
Most alarming: It was found intact in a residential driveway in Delaware.
It had survived, intact, after being dredged up and put through a crusher to create cheap clamshell driveway fill sold throughout the Delmarva Peninsula.
It's only a matter of time until more WMDs turn up, although there are significant differences among experts inside and outside the military as to how much will show up, how long it will take, and how much danger the WMDs pose.
The Daily Press article is comprehensive, discussing in detail the Army's secret dumping program and the known location of the dumps. It looks at the dangers to human health and safety especially to people in the fishing industry and to marine life. There are also numerous maps and graphics. It's an impressive effort of the type that would stand out at the New York Times or another major newspaper, and it's even more impressive given that it comes from a smaller paper.
The first part of the story is here. Part 2 is here.
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Posted by Magpie at 12:29 AM |
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Friday, November 4, 2005
Looking for Hummers.
In the mid-1990s, US carmakers hitched their stars to the SUV, that highway giant with lots of room, questionable safety, and poor gas mileage. SUVs were relatively inexpensive to make and had a high profit margin. And, because most SUVs are considered light trucks under federal emissions rules, they could pollute more than autos and the need for fewer smog-control devices also added to carmaker profits.
Why are those Hummers parked behind this hotel? [Photo: Tim Iacono]
As long as oil stayed cheap, US carmakers were in hog heaven, seeing some of the most profitable years since they were hit by the first oil shocks and the arrival of cheap, high-quality Japanese small cars in the 1970s. All good things have to end, though, and it appears that the SUV ride ended with the last gasoline price spike. October figures for the auto industry show that GM and Ford the US carmakers that rely most heavily on SUVs had sales drop by 23 percent. This continues their pattern of losing sales to Asian carmakers who specialize in smaller, more efficient vehicles. [Chrysler, the third US carmaker, relies less on SUVs, so it actually had a very tiny sales increase in October.]
All of this is a lead-up to our main subject here: Hummers. If you had to pick the poster child for US economic inefficiency, the Hummer would be it. Big, hulking, ugly [to many], and with gas mileage that would have been bad even in the gas-guzzling 1960s, Hummers have been the butt of jokes since they first hit the consumer market in the early 1990s. Now that gas price spikes and, ultimately, much higher 'normal' gas prices seem to be in the cards, the attractiveness of a Hummer as a status object is dropping rapidly.
If you're a Hummer dealer, this means that Hummers have been piling up on your lot, unsold. And if you're a really enthusiastic dealer, lots of Hummers are piling up which looks really bad when potential buyers come a-calling.
Tim Iacono at The Mess That Greenspan Made heard that his local dealer was one of those enthusastic ones, which led him to wonder: Where were all the Hummers? He organized a search party to do a bit of field work. You can read the story of what they found over here.
And, we should add, Iacono took pictures.
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Posted by Magpie at 2:33 PM |
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Breeding evil.
In a compelling commentary on the allegations that the CIA has been running a network of secret prisons since 9/11, strategic analyst Ehsan Ahrari says that the existence of those prisons is convincing many in the Muslim world that the US does not honor the principles of morality, international law, and human rights that Washington says the 'war on terrrorism' is aimed at protecting.
While it's understandable that the US would set up prisons to hold terror suspects right after 9/11, he says, common sense would have dictated that such prisons would be a temporary measure. However, common sense would also have dictated that Dubya's administration should have finished the business of destroying al-Qaeda and tracking down Osama bin Laden before moving on to another foreign adventure. Washington chose to invade Iraq, however, and the need to gather intelligence about the growing insurgency there led the administration to view its secret gulag as an asset, rather than a liability.
Unfortunately from the view of Dubya's administration, that is it's hard to keep such an extensive network of prisons a secret. Espceially given a press that's already looking into the systematic abuse and torture of prisoners by the US at Abu Ghraib, Guantánamo, and elsewhere.
How will this episode play in the Bush administration's campaign to "win the hearts and minds of Muslims"? It seems that no one in Washington is paying any attention to linkages between such policies and the US image in the Muslim world....
The Muslim world looks at the entire effort to win their hearts and minds as nothing short of the newest scam from Washington. They know the real battle about winning terrorism will be fought, not in the trenches of Afghanistan and the dark alleys of Iraq, but through such mundane chores as promotion of civil societies inside their polities and establishing schools that would prepare young Muslims to tackle the complicated problems of a highly globalized world, to name a few.
Muslim youngsters want to declare jihad, not against some imaginary "infidel" who lives in New York or London, but against obscurantism, illiteracy and economic backwardness inside their own borders. Their biggest enemy is the poverty and economic underdevelopment that has been keeping anachronistic, brutal and inept autocratic regimes in power. The United States has to refocus its attention from counterterrorism to anti-terrorism by developing multifaceted policies. In the absence of such policies, it is only a matter of time before an even nastier, meaner and more brutal generation of terrorists takes over the religious discourse as well as the street in Muslim countries.
There appears to be a serious disconnect between what the United States should do to fight and win the global "war on terror" and what it is currently doing.
Via Asia Times.
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Posted by Magpie at 12:02 AM |
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Getting on the bus.
Our old pal alphabitch is finally taking the bus to work. Of course, she started trying to take the bus ten years ago.
The first morning, I stood at the bus stop, directly under the sign, in my crisp linen suit (plus hideously uncomfortable pumps), holding my briefcase and watched as the bus approached, failed to slow down, and passed me by.
"Wow," I thought as I set off down the hill on foot. That was sure strange, I mean, is this really a bus stop? The sign had the bus logo and the words BUS STOP on it. Didn't seem too ambiguous. I tried again the next day and this time I waved as the bus approached. The driver didn't even look my way. I was baffled, but tried again the next day -- in comfortable shoes in case I had to walk. It was my lucky day! The bus stopped to let someone out, and I hopped on.
The driver -- a youngish white guy with curly red hair and very friendly blue eyes -- looked at me in surprise and said, "I'm sorry ma'am, have you been waiting to catch the bus the last couple of mornings?" A bit taken aback, I nodded, sort of gesturing to the suit & the briefcase and said "I'm on my way to work. This is the right place to wait, isn't it?" He said yes, and added again that he was very sorry, but it just didn't occur to him that I was waiting for the bus.
Um, how on earth to respond to that? is what I'm thinking. "Do I need to make an appointment?" I asked him.
He thought I looked like I was waiting for a taxi, he said, or a friend to pick me up. I must have looked kind of cross with him, because he finally laughed and said, "You must be new in town, hon. I didn't think you were waiting for the bus because you're white. White people don't take the bus here."
And that's just part of the story. The rest is here.
The picture? It doesn't have much to do with the story, really. It's a public art piece in the Fremont district of Seattle, called 'Waiting for the Interurban.' [Seattle doesn't have an interurban, by the way.] But even though alphabitch and the statues are 3000 miles apart, we thought she'd appreciate the fact that the bus doesn't stop for them, either.
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Posted by Magpie at 12:01 AM |
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Is Alito unfaithful to the law?
Some of US Supreme Court nominee Samuel Alito's strongest critics have been other judges who serve with him on the 3rd Circuit US Court of Appeals, many of whom have criticized him for a somewhat casual attitude toward precedent and the law. Think Progress has put together a short compilation of comments about Alito contained in other judges' opinions. [The emphasis in the excerpt below is added]:
"[Judge Alito's] attempt to analogize the statistical evidence of the use of peremptory challenges to strike black jurors to the percent of left-handed presidents requires some comment. [Judge Alito] has overlooked the obvious fact that there is no provision in the Constitution that protects persons from discrimination based on whether they are right-handed or left-handed. To suggest any comparability to the striking of jurors based on their race is to minimize the history of discrimination against prospective black jurors and black defendants . . . ." (Riley v. Taylor, 2001) (Judge Dolores Sloviter)
There's more here.
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Posted by Magpie at 12:01 AM |
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In a Sept. 27 appearance before the House [of Representatives] panel, Brown defended his actions. "I get it when it comes to emergency management, I know what it's all about," he said. "I know how to do it, and I think I do a pretty darn good job of it."
Via Bloomberg.
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Posted by Magpie at 12:00 AM |
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Thursday, November 3, 2005
Looking for info about Alito?
The University of Michigan Law Library has the motherlode, with links to downloadable versions of all sorts of information about US Supreme Court nominee Samuel Alito, including:
Biographical information
Majority opinions for the 3rd Circuit Court of Appeals [where Alito currently sits]
Alito's concurring and dissenting opinions
Alito's court briefs
Alito's arguments before the US Supreme Court
Articles by and about Alito
The site will also be a good place to look for US Senate debates and documents, and for info about Alito's confirmation hearings.
Via Balkinization.
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Posted by Magpie at 7:13 PM |
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Exactly where are CIA's secret prisons?
At least two of them are in Poland and Romania, it appears.
Yesterday, we posted on how the CIA has been running a system of secret prisons since shortly after 9/11, and that it has been using them to hold and interrogate terrorism suspects and members of al-Qaeda. In its article breaking the story, the Washington Post didn't identify the countries in which these prisons are located, other than referring to Eastern Europe. [Although the Post did identify a now-closed facility in Thailand.]
The runway and control tower of the airport in Szymany, in northeastern Poland, Thursday, Nov. 3, 2005, where allegedly a Boeing 737 plane used by the CIA landed in 2003 with prisoners from Afghanistan, suspected of terrorism. [Photo: AP]
Human Rights Watch examined flight logs of CIA aircraft from 2001 to 2004, said Mark Garlasco, a senior military analyst with the New York-based organization. He said the group matched the flight patterns with testimony from some of the hundreds of detainees in the war on terrorism who have been released by the United States.
"The indications are that prisoners in Afghanistan are being (taken) to facilities in Europe and other countries in the world," Garlasco, a former civilian intelligence officer with the Defense Intelligence Agency, told The Associated Press.
He would not say how the organization obtained the flight logs, but said two destinations of the flights stood out as likely sites of any secret CIA detention centers: Szymany Airport in Poland, which is near the headquarters of Poland's intelligence service; and Mihail Kogalniceanu military airfield in Romania.
Human Rights Watch also obtained the tail numbers of dozens of CIA aircraft to match them with the flight logs, Garlasco said.
He said that in September 2003, a Boeing 737 flew from Washington to Kabul, Afghanistan, making stops along the way in the Czech Republic and Uzbekistan. On Sept. 22, the plane flew on to Szymany Airport, then to Mihail Kogalniceanu, proceeded to Sale, Morocco, and finally landed at Guantanamo, Garlasco said.
As far as he knew, Human Rights Watch has not found and interviewed detainees who were held in any alleged facilities in Poland and Romania.
Romania and Poland have both denied hosting CIA prisons and with good reason. As an EU member, Poland could face sanctions if the allegations turn out to be true. And, as a prospective member, Romania could find its scheduled 2007 entry into the EU delayed.
Via panopticist.
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Posted by Magpie at 2:52 PM |
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Good news and bad news in New Orleans.
Good news: The New Orleans Public Library has re-opened its main library and two branches. It's only for four hours a day and the services available are limited, but it's a definite improvement over no libraries at all.
These labels were the main way commercial fruit growers advertised their produce to buyers from the late 19th century until just a few decades ago. The [US] National Apple Museum has 13 pages of labels online, including the ones below.
Kikuchi Farms, Sebastopol, California [left] and Lastreto & Co. Inc., San Francisco [right]
The growth of the railroad system in the U.S., Canada, and Australia, as well as other countries, was a principal factor in the growth of commercial tree fruit production industry in those countries. Railroads provided cheap and rapid transit to markets in the large population centers, as well as supported international shipping of that produce to overseas markets.
Initially in Pennslylvania and in many other areas, the growers used metal stencil forms to put their names and brands on the wooden crates and barrels containing their produce. This was done also by brokers and wholesalers who made bulk purchases from the growers for subsequent retail sales to markets. The goals of the stenciling was not only to identify the source of the produce but more importantly to get that produce before the consumers and to attract them to buy their products as opposed to others.
To improve the produce sales potential and to grab the consumers quicker, growers developed and used [paper labels] to glue to their wooden crates and barrels. Other produce growers followed suit in using their own packaging labels....
The development of reliable cardboard packaging containers, mechanized labor saving processing and packaging processes, thin plastic packaging film from the mid-1900s on, soon led to the paper Fruit Crate Labels being retired from use by the fruit industry.
More: A few hours after we wrote the main post, we got to wondering whether we could find more info about one of our favorite crate labels, used by Florida grower Buster Williams for many years. Well, we didn't find out anything we didn't already know, unfortunately. But we can show you the lovely image below.
M.O.(Buster) Williams, Mt. Dora, Florida
Pretty subtle imagery, huh?
We have one of these beauties on our fridge, courtesy of our pal Lila who noticed a couple on an empty corn crate behind a market during the 1980s. And who was kind enough to share.
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Posted by Magpie at 11:28 AM |
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Asked about the motivation of the hunger strikers, Rumsfeld said, "Well, I suppose that what they're trying to do is to capture press attention, obviously, and they've succeeded."
He added, "There are a number of people who go on a diet where they don't eat for a period and then go off of it at some point. And then they rotate and other people do that." [Emphasis added]
Via Seattle Times.
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Posted by Magpie at 11:10 AM |
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'We make sure nobody is really hurt.'
That's the claim made by an Israeli military spokesperson when he had to defend the new tactic being used to unnerve Palestinians: Using low-altitude sonic booms to pressure people in Gaza to stop supporting armed militants. In the last week, Gazans have been subjected to 28 sonic booms some of them happening as little as an hour apart during the night. And, during late September, Israeli jets made 29 sonic booms over a five-day period.
The Israeli military says that it's 'trying to send a message' to the Palestinians in a way that doesn't harm them. According to an army intelligence officer who cannot be named:
"What are the alternatives? We are not like the terrorists who shoot civilians. We are cautious. We make sure nobody is really hurt."
Many would disagree about whether no one is being hurt. According to the Palestinian health ministry, the booms have led to a forty percent increase in miscarriages. They're also causing panic attacks in children and a general increase in stress and fatigue.
"The stress is phenomenal," said Eyad El Sarraj, a psychologist and director of Gaza Community Mental Health Programme, one of the groups filing the petition. "The Israelis do it after midnight and then every one or two hours. You try to go to sleep and then there's another one. When it happens night after night you become exhausted. You get a heightened sense of alert, waiting continuously for it to happen. People suffer hypertension, fatigue, sleeplessness.
"For children, the loud noise means danger. Adults may know it's only a sound but small children feel threatened. They are crying and clinging to their parents. Afterwards they are dazed and fearful, waiting for something to happen."
The UN Palestinian refugee agency said a majority of the patients seen at its clinics as a result of the sonic booms were under 16 and suffering from symptoms such as anxiety attacks, bedwetting, muscle spasms, temporary loss of hearing and breathing difficulties.
The UN has demanded that Israel stop using the sonic boom tactic, citing in particular its effect on children. And two Israeli and Palestinian human rights groups [Physicians for Human Rights-Israel and the Gaza Community Mental Health Program] have asked Israel's Supreme Court to order a stop to the overflights, saying that the sonic booms are illegal collective punishment and a health danger.
Perhaps the biggest indication of whether the sonic booms are humane comes from how Israelis responded when the military accidentally made a boom that could be heard in Israeli territory:
The military was forced to apologise after one sonic boom was unintentionally heard hundreds of kilometres inside Israel last week. Maariv newspaper described it as sounding "like a heavy bombardment. The noise that shook the Israeli skies was frightening. Thousands of citizens leapt in panic from their beds, and many of them placed worried calls to the police and the fire department. The Tel Aviv and central district police switchboards crashed."
Via UK Guardian and Haaretz.
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Posted by Magpie at 12:00 AM |
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Wednesday, November 2, 2005
Parents have no right to be the sole provider of sex information to their kids.
That's the word from a federal appeals court today when it dismissed a lawsuit filed by parents angry that a Palmdale, California elementary school had surveyed its students about sex.
The survey that sparked the suit was given to children in the first, third, and fifth grades as part of an effort to design a program that would help kids overcome learning barriers. The questions about sex made up only a small portion of the survey. However, the consent forms signed by parents did not indicate that questions about sex would be asked.
The parents who filed suit contended that they had the right to 'control the upbringing of their children' by being the ones to introduce them to sex information. In its decision, however, the court ruled that parents of public school children have no 'fundamental right' to be their children's sole source of information about sex. [And made the ruling in very firm language, too. See the excerpts below.]
We're not a legal expert, but it appears to us that this decision could have a big effect on cases involving the claims of fundamentalist Christian parents that this or that element of a school's curriculum conflicts with their religious beliefs and violates their right to control their children's religious upbringing. It's going to be interesting to see whether the parents appeal today's ruling to the US Supreme Court, and whether the Court decides to hear the case.
From the Circuit Court opinion:
When parents of schoolchildren in Palmdale, California learned from their sons and daughters that they had been questioned in their public elementary school about sexual topics such as the frequency of "thinking about having sex" and "thinking about touching other peoples' private parts," some of them exercised their constitutional right to take their grievance to the courts. The questioning was part of a survey the Palmdale School District was conducting regarding psychological barriers to learning. The parents brought an action in district court against the School District and two of its officials for violating their right to privacy and their right "to control the upbringing of their children by introducing them to matters of and relating to sex." They brought both federal and state claims. The district court dismissed the federal causes of action for failure to state a claim upon which relief could be granted and dismissed the state claims without prejudice to their right to re-file in state court. We agree, and hold that there is no fundamental right of parents to be the exclusive provider of information regarding sexual matters to their children, either independent of their right to direct the upbringing and education of their children or encompassed by it. We also hold that parents have no due process or privacy right to override the determinations of public schools as to the information to which their children will be exposed while enrolled as students. Finally, we hold that the defendants' actions were rationally related to a legitimate state purpose....
In summary, we hold that there is no free-standing fundamental right of parents "to control the upbringing of their children by introducing them to matters of and relating to sex in accordance with their personal and religious values and beliefs" and that the asserted right is not encompassed by any other fundamental right. In doing so, we do not quarrel with the parents' right to inform and advise their children about the subject of sex as they see fit. We conclude only that the parents are possessed of no constitutional right to prevent the public schools from providing information on that subject to their students in any forum or manner they select. We further hold that a psychological survey is a reasonable state action pursuant to legitimate educational as well as health and welfare interests of the state. Accordingly, the parent-appellants have failed to state a federal claim upon which relief may be granted. The decision of the district court is affirmed.
You can read the complete ruling here [PDF file].
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Posted by Magpie at 1:44 PM |
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Good taste is timeless.
But Abercrombie & Fitch certainly can't be accused of knowing what good taste is. Check out one of the tees in their current line of clothing for young teen girls. Just the sort of message we'd want our kid carrying around on her chest, yessirree!
[Photo: Rachel LeCrone/RedEye]
Of course, what would you expect from the company that thought the shirt below was funny? It's only one of several racist shirts featuring Asian themes that Abercrombie put out in 2002.
[Photograper unknown]
The slogan on the shirt, by the way, is 'Two Wongs can make it white.' We guess A&F's designers didn't think the caricatured 'Chinamen' on the shirt were enough to get the message across.
Thanks to Twisty for the tip. You should go read her patriarchy-blaming post, too.
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Posted by Magpie at 1:17 PM |
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The F-word.
You know the one we mean: fascism. Not the word tossed off casually as an epithet when people want to discredit a political opponent. We're talking about the real thing: xenophobic, paranoid, racist, violent, and wrapped in religious imagery.
Following a link at wood s lot, we found this article by author/NY Times reporter Chris Hedges, 'The Religious Right and the Rise of American Fascism.' Hedges wrote it a year ago, but what he had to say then definitely hasn't gone out of date. Not even one iota.
We recommend it highly.
The drive by the Christian Right to include crackpot theories in scientific or legal debate is part of the campaign to destroy dispassionate and honest intellectual inquiry. Facts become interchangeable with opinions. An understanding of reality is not to be based on the elaborate gathering of facts and evidence. The ideology alone is true. Facts that get in the way of the ideology can be altered. Lies, in this worldview, become true. Hannah Arendt called this effort "nihilistic relativism" although a better phrase might be collective insanity.
The Christian Right has fought successfully to have Creationist books sold in national park bookstores in the Grand Canyon, taught as a theory in public schools in states like Alabama and Arkansas. "Intelligent design" is promoted in Christian textbooks. All animal species, or at least their progenitors, students read, fit on Noah's ark. The Grand Canyon was created a few thousand years ago by the flood that lifted up Noah's ark, not one billion years ago, as geologists have determined. The earth is only a few thousand years old in line with the literal reading of Genesis. This is not some quaint, homespun view of the world. It is an insidious attempt to undermine rational scientific research and intellectual inquiry....
All debates with the Christian Right are useless. We cannot reach this movement. It does not want a dialogue. It cares nothing for rational thought and discussion. It is not mollified because John Kerry prays or Jimmy Carter teaches Sunday School. These naive attempts to reach out to a movement bent on our destruction, to prove to them that we too have "values," would be humorous if the stakes were not so deadly. They hate us. They hate the liberal, enlightened world formed by the Constitution. Our opinions do not count.
This movement will not stop until we are ruled by Biblical Law, an authoritarian church intrudes in every aspect of our life, women stay at home and rear children, gays agree to be cured, abortion is considered murder, the press and the schools promote "positive" Christian values, the federal government is gutted, war becomes our primary form of communication with the rest of the world and recalcitrant non-believers see their flesh eviscerated at the sound of the Messiah's voice.
The spark that could set it ablaze may be lying in the hands of an Islamic terrorist cell, in the hands of the ideological twins of the Christian Right. Another catastrophic terrorist attack could be our Reichstag fire, the excuse used to begin the accelerated dismantling of our open society. The ideology of the Christian Right is not one of love and compassion, the central theme of Christ's message, but of violence and hatred. It has a strong appeal to many in our society, but it is also aided by our complacency. Let us not stand at the open city gates waiting passively and meekly for the barbarians. They are coming. They are slouching rudely towards Bethlehem. Let us, if nothing else, begin to call them by their name.
Via Theocracy Watch.
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Posted by Magpie at 12:07 PM |
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The ex-snows of Kilimanjaro.
We were trawling the net earlier when we ran into this post from Brad DeLong about how the photo of Mt. Kilimanjaro that you see over there on the left had upset another blogger, Rising Hegemon. Given the legendary nature of the snows on Mt. Kilimanjaro, a volcano that sits almost directly on the equator in Tanzania, the photo of a bare summit upset us, too.
But we also had to wonder about the photo. There've been times that our own local volcano, Mt. Hood, has been almost completely without its usual mantle of snow. Maybe that photo of Kilimanjaro was taken during the summer. And, given that it only shows the summit, maybe there was snow on the slopes.
After a bit of investigation, we found out that Rising Hegemon was right to be worried: Snow and ice are indeed disappearing from Kilimanjaro. For example, a 2003 NASA article on rising levels of soot worldwide specifically singled out Kilimanjaro as an example of how soot and global warming are affecting snow and ice around the planet. In Kilimanjaro's case, the two have combined to cause a major melt-off.
The Landsat satellite captured these images of Kilimanjaro February 17, 1993 [left] and February 21, 2000 [right]. [Images: NASA/USGS]
Kilimanjaro's snow and ice fields go back 11,000 years, but they've been under assault from rising temperatures for the last hundred years, shrinking by about 80 percent since the late 19th century. Given recent observations, there's little doubt that Kilimanjaro's snow and ice will disappear altogether the only real argument is over how long it will take. The best guess is that it'll be gone by sometime in the 2020s.
And, in case you think the NASA scientists are crying wolf, measurements of Kilimanjaro's glaciers done by University of Massachusetts scientists earlier this decade confirm the melting.
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Posted by Magpie at 10:47 AM |
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If you haven't caught the Carnival before, it's a semi-monthly roundup of the best feminist posts from around the web, appearing on the first and third Wednesday of each month. The current edition has an emphasis on Aussie bloggers, and did an admirable job of collecting posts from a wide geographic spread.
Here's the section on body politics:
The personal is political and there's no personal space as politicised as the female body. Women are preoccupied with our own bodies, men are obsessed with women's bodies, governments and religions are fixated on how we present our bodies in public.
Working outwards: Ancrene Wiseasslost a lot of weight during a relationship breakdown but finally realised she could never be thin enough. Yet neither could she entirely stop her self-dissection. Skin deep: Sour Duck sifts through her thoughts on make-up, deciding that it's not enough to assert that women should simply give up cosmetics. In Bangladesh, Bring Your Own Shisha points out that hundreds of women a year are facially disfigured in attacks with acid.
The Religious Policeman, a Saudi man living in the UK, examines some visual guidance to female students on the correct way to dress in public it's a matter of heaven or hell... Another kind of fundamentalism, American Christianity of the early 20th century, saw women as ungodly. Spinning off from a book which describes the anti-dancing attitudes of that religious movement, the Agnosticism/Atheism Blog points out that girls, not boys, are seen as embodying the 'sinfulness' of dancing. And in dance, girls are meant to be led. So discovers Elsewhere when she goes to beginners tango in Alice Springs, central Australia.
That's only a fraction of the good stuff in the current Carnival, so get yourself over there and discover the rest!
The next Carnival, by the way, will be hosted by Sour Duck and appear on November 16. If you want to recommend a post for consideration it can even be one of your own send it to duck.sour [at] gmail [dot] com. And if you want to keep posted on what's up with the Carnival, bookmark the home page.
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Posted by Magpie at 10:28 AM |
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Comments back up.
Our site commenting went down two days ago and has shown no signs of coming back. The website for our provider [Squawkbox.tv] is down, too, which leads us to believe that there was either a catastrophic failure or that they went out of business without telling anyone. We're hoping for the former, naturally.
In the meantime, we've put up HaloScan commenting. Hopefully it will be reliable.
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Posted by Magpie at 9:58 AM |
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Since shortly after 9/11, the CIA has been running a secret prison system in which it holds and interrogates terrorism suspects. CIA prisons have been running in as many as eight countries at a time, and they have included at least one Soviet-era 'facility' in Eastern Europe. [We guess the CIA was jealous of the Army's use of the former Saddam Hussein 'facility' at Abu Ghraib.]
The hidden global internment network is a central element in the CIA's unconventional war on terrorism. It depends on the cooperation of foreign intelligence services, and on keeping even basic information about the system secret from the public, foreign officials and nearly all members of Congress charged with overseeing the CIA's covert actions.
The existence and locations of the facilities -- referred to as "black sites" in classified White House, CIA, Justice Department and congressional documents -- are known to only a handful of officials in the United States and, usually, only to the president and a few top intelligence officers in each host country.
The CIA and the White House, citing national security concerns and the value of the program, have dissuaded Congress from demanding that the agency answer questions in open testimony about the conditions under which captives are held. Virtually nothing is known about who is kept in the facilities, what interrogation methods are employed with them, or how decisions are made about whether they should be detained or for how long.
The CIA, of course, won't officially acknowledge that these prisons exist.
Via Washington Post.
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Posted by Magpie at 1:05 AM |
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The full text of Alito's dissent in the Planned Parenthood v. Casey case.
We just had to look a long time to find the full text of Supreme Court nominee Samuel Alito's dissent in Planned Parenthood v. Casey when that case was heard by the US Third Circuit Court of Appeals. We guess no one figured this guy was going to get nominated for the high court, so there was no need to make this dissent easy to find for us non-legal types.
This dissent has become a flashpoint in the arguments over how conservative Alito is, and whether he should be confirmed for the court. In the dissent, Alito argued that a Pennsylvania law requiring married women to notify their husbands of their decisions to have an abortion did not place an 'undue burden' on women. As a result, he held that the law did not violate standards used by the US Supreme Court to determine whether Roe v. Wade had been violated.
Given how long it took us to find the full text of the dissent, we figure we'd post it here so that [hopefully] it will get found by search engine 'bots and become easier to locate.
Warning: Get ready to scroll a lot.
ALITO, Circuit Judge, concurring in part and dissenting in part.
I concur in the court's judgment except insofar as it holds that 18 Pa.Cons.Stat.Ann. § 3209 (Supp.1991) (spousal notice) is unconstitutional. I also join all of the court's opinion except for the portions concerning Section 3209 and those interpreting Justice O'Connor's opinion in Hodgson v. Minnesota, 497 U.S. 417, 110 S.Ct. 2926, 2949-51, 111 L.Ed.2d 344 (1990), to mean that the two-parent notification requirement without judicial bypass imposed an "undue burden" and was thus required to satisfy strict scrutiny.
I.
As the court suggests, the crux of this case concerns the identification of the constitutional standard that the lower courts must now apply in cases involving laws regulating abortion. For the reasons carefully explained in the court's opinion, I agree that Webster v. Reproductive Health Services, 492 U.S. 490, 109 S.Ct. 3040, 106 L.Ed.2d 410 (1989), and Hodgson changed the law that we are bound to apply and that the test set out in Justice O'Connor's opinions now represents the governing legal standard.
My disagreement with the majority regarding a single provision of the Pennsylvania Abortion Control Act, 18 Pa.Cons.Stat.Ann. § 3201 et seq. (1983 & Supp.1991), results from disagreement about the portion of Justice O'Connor's two-part test that must be applied to this provision. Under that test, as the majority explains, a law that imposes an "undue burden" must serve a "compelling" state interest. By contrast, a law that does not impose an "undue burden" must simply be "rationally" or "reasonably" related to a "legitimate" state interest. The majority holds that Section 3209 constitutes an undue burden. The majority therefore applies the first prong of the two-part test and strikes down Section 3209 on the ground that it does not serve a "compelling" interest. I do not believe that Section 3209 has been shown to impose an undue burden as that term is used in the relevant Supreme Court opinions; I therefore apply the second prong of the two-part test; and I conclude that Section 3209 is constitutional because it is "rationally related" to a "legitimate" state interest.
Although the majority and I apply different prongs of this two-part test, I see no indication that we disagree concerning the conclusion produced when either prong is applied to Section 3209. If the majority is correct that Section 3209 must satisfy heightened scrutiny, I agree that its constitutionality is doubtful. Similarly, I do not interpret the majority opinion to mean that Section 3209 cannot satisfy the rational relationship test. Indeed, the majority acknowledges that Section 3209 serves a "legitimate" interest. See majority opin. at 715, 716. Thus, my major disagreement with the majority concerns the question whether Section 3209 imposes an "undue burden," and I will therefore turn to that question.
II.
A. Justice O'Connor has explained the meaning of the term "undue burden" in several abortion opinions. In Akron v. Akron Center for Reproductive Health, 462 U.S. at 464, 103 S.Ct. at 2510 (O'Connor, J., dissenting), she wrote that "an 'undue burden' has been found for the most part in situations involving absolute obstacles or severe limitations on the abortion decision." She noted that laws held unconstitutional in prior cases involved statutes that "criminalized all abortions except those necessary to save the life of the mother," inhibited " 'the vast majority of abortions after the first 12 weeks,' " or gave the parents of a pregnant minor an absolute veto power over the abortion decision. Id. (emphasis in original; citations omitted). She suggested that an "undue burden" would not be created by "a state regulation [that] may 'inhibit' abortions to some degree." Id. She also suggested that there is no undue burden unless a measure has the effect of "substantially limiting access." Id. at 463, 103 S.Ct. at 2509, quoting Carey v. Population Services International, 431 U.S. 678, 688, 97 S.Ct. 2010, 2017, 52 L.Ed.2d 675 (1977) (emphasis added in Justice O'Connor's opinion).
Justice O'Connor reiterated the same analysis in Thornburgh v. American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, 476 U.S. 747, 106 S.Ct. 2169 (1986). She wrote (id. at 828, 106 S.Ct. at 2214 (O'Connor, J., dissenting), quoting Akron, 462 U.S. at 464, 103 S.Ct. at 2510 (O'Connor, J., dissenting)):
An undue burden would generally be found "in situations involving absolute obstacles or severe limitations on the abortion decision," not wherever a state regulation "may 'inhibit' abortions to some degree."
She also criticized the majority for taking an approach under which "the mere possibility that some women will be less likely to choose to have an abortion by virtue of the presence of a particular state regulation suffices to invalidate it." Id. 476 U.S. at 829, 106 S.Ct. at 2214 (emphasis added).
Justice O'Connor's application of the undue burden test in several cases further illustrates the meaning of this test. In Hodgson, 110 S.Ct. at 2950-51, Justice O'Connor found that no undue burden was imposed by a law requiring notice to both parents or judicial authorization before a minor could obtain an abortion. Justice O'Connor reached this conclusion despite statistics adduced by Justice Marshall to show that mandatory parental notice may inhibit a significant percentage of minors from obtaining abortions (id. at 2953-54) (Marshall, J., dissenting) and despite the district court's finding, noted in Justice Marshall's dissent, that the judicial bypass option "so daunted" some minors that they felt compelled to carry to term (id. at 2959, quoting 648 F.Supp. at 763).
Justice O'Connor has also suggested on more than one occasion that no undue burden was created by the statute upheld in H.L. v. Matheson, 450 U.S. 398, 101 S.Ct. 1164, 67 L.Ed.2d 388 (1981), which required parental notice prior to any abortion on an unemancipated minor. Instead, she has stated that this statute merely inhibited abortions to "some degree." Thornburgh, 476 U.S. at 828, 106 S.Ct. at 2214 (O'Connor, J., dissenting); Akron, 462 U.S. at 464, 103 S.Ct. at 2510 (O'Connor, J., dissenting). In dissent in Matheson, Justice Marshall argued that the statute would result in substantial interference with abortions sought by minors. He wrote (450 U.S. at 398, 101 S.Ct. at 1164) (Marshall, J., dissenting) that "the minor may confront physical or emotional abuse, withdrawal of financial support or actual obstruction of the abortion decision." These harms are almost identical to those that the majority in this case attributes to Section 3209. See majority opin. at 711-12. See also Planned Parenthood Association v. Ashcroft, 462 U.S. 476, 505, 103 S.Ct. 2517, 2532, 76 L.Ed.2d 733 (1983) (O'Connor concurring and dissenting) (statute requiring parental consent or judicial authorization "imposes no undue burden").
Finally, Justice O'Connor has concluded that regulations that simply increase the cost of abortions, including regulations that may double the cost, do not create an "undue burden." See Akron, 462 U.S. at 434-35, 103 S.Ct. at 2494-95 (maj. op.); at 466-67, 103 S.Ct. at 2511-12 (O'Connor, J., dissenting). Justice O'Connor reached this conclusion even though it seems clear that such increased costs may well deter some women.
Taken together, Justice O'Connor's opinions reveal that an undue burden does not exist unless a law (a) prohibits abortion or gives another person the authority to veto an abortion or (b) has the practical effect of imposing "severe limitations," rather than simply inhibiting abortions " 'to some degree' " or inhibiting "some women." Thornburgh, 476 U.S. at 828, 829, 106 S.Ct. at 2213, 2214 (O'Connor, J., dissenting), quoting Akron, 462 U.S. at 464, 103 S.Ct. at 2510 (O'Connor, J., dissenting). Furthermore, Justice O'Connor's opinions disclose that the practical effect of a law will not amount to an undue burden unless the effect is greater than the burden imposed on minors seeking abortions in Hodgson or Matheson or the burden created by the regulations in Akron that appreciably increased costs. Since the laws at issue in those cases had inhibiting effects that almost certainly were substantial enough to dissuade some women from obtaining abortions, it appears clear that an undue burden may not be established simply by showing that a law will have a heavy impact on a few women but that instead a broader inhibiting effect must be shown.
In this case, the plaintiffs, who made a facial attack [FN1] on Section 3209, did not prove that this provision would impose an undue burden. Section 3209 does not create an "absolute obstacle" or give a husband "veto power." Rather, this provision merely requires a married woman desiring an abortion to certify that she has notified her husband or to claim one of the statutory exceptions.
FN1. Because the plaintiffs made a facial attack on Section 3209, they could not rely on a "worst-case analysis" (Ohio v. Akron Center for Reproductive Health, 497 U.S. 502, 110 S.Ct. 2972, 2981, 111 L.Ed.2d 405 (1990)) or on proof showing only that the provision would impose an undue burden "under some conceivable set of circumstances" (United States v. Salerno, 481 U.S. 739, 745, 107 S.Ct. 2095, 2100, 95 L.Ed.2d 697 (1987)). Thus, proof that the provision would adversely affect an unknown number of women with a particular combination of characteristics could not suffice.
The plaintiffs also failed to carry their burden [FN2] of proving that Section 3209 if enforced would have the kind of broad practical impact needed to establish an "undue burden" under the opinions discussed above. Clearly the plaintiffs did not substantiate the impact of Section 3209 with the degree of analytical rigor that should be demanded before striking down a state statute. Cf. Akron, 462 U.S. at 463, 103 S.Ct. at 2510 (O'Connor, J., dissenting) (citation omitted) (courts should exercise " 'deliberate restraint' " before finding an undue burden " 'in view of the respect that properly should be accorded legislative judgments' "); id. at 465, 103 S.Ct. at 2511.
FN2. In Thornburgh, Justice O'Connor made clear that a party challenging the constitutionality of a statute must bear the burden of proving that the law imposes an undue burden. After arguing strenuously that the case should be sent back to the district court for "additional factual development" (476 U.S. at 827, 106 S.Ct. at 2213 (O'Connor, J., dissenting), Justice O'Connor repeatedly stated that the appellees, who were challenging the statute, had the burden of proving that individual statutory provisions would impose an undue burden. She discussed whether "appellees could succeed in making the threshold showing of undue burden" (id. at 831, 106 S.Ct. at 2215), whether "appellees [could] establish that the abortion decision [would be] unduly burdened" (id.), and whether the appellees "could succeed in establishing an undue burden" (id. at 832, 106 S.Ct. at 2216).
At the outset, it is apparent that two factors imposed a low ceiling on any showing that the plaintiffs could have made. First, as the district court found, the "vast majority" of married women voluntarily inform their husbands before seeking an abortion. Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 744 F.Supp. 1323, 1360 (E.D.Pa.1990). Indeed, in the trial testimony on which the district court relied, the plaintiffs' witness stated that in her experience 95% of married women notify their husbands. App. at 701. Second, the overwhelming majority of abortions are sought by unmarried women. [FN3] Thus, it is immediately apparent that Section 3209 cannot affect more than about 5% of married women seeking abortions or an even smaller percentage of all women desiring abortions.
FN3. Since 1973, abortions on unmarried women have consistently exceeded 70% of the national total and at times have surpassed 80%. United States Department of Commerce, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1990 at 71.
The plaintiffs failed to show even roughly how many of the women in this small group would actually be adversely affected by Section 3209. As previously noted, Section 3209 contains four significant exceptions. These exceptions apply if a woman certifies that she has not notified her husband because she believes [FN4] that (1) he is not the father of the child, (2) he cannot be found after diligent effort, (3) the pregnancy is the result of a spousal sexual assault that has been reported to the authorities, or (4) she has reason to believe that notification is likely to result in the infliction of bodily injury upon her. If Section 3209 were allowed to take effect, it seems safe to assume that some percentage of the married women seeking abortions without notifying their husbands would qualify for and invoke these exceptions. The record, however, is devoid of evidence showing how many women could or could not invoke an exception.
FN4. The form prepared by the Pennsylvania Department of Health for use in implementing Section 3209 requires a woman to certify that she has not notified her husband "for the following reason(s)...." (744 F.Supp. at 1359). Moreover, a false statement is punishable (as a third degree misdemeanor) only if the woman did not "believe [the statement] to be true" (18 Pa.Cons.Stat.Ann. § 4904(b) (1983)).
Of the potentially affected women who could not invoke an exception, it seems safe to assume that some percentage, despite an initial inclination not to tell their husbands, would notify their husbands without suffering*723 substantial ill effects. Again, however, the record lacks evidence showing how many women would or would not fall into this category. Thus, the plaintiffs did not even roughly substantiate how many women might be inhibited from obtaining an abortion or otherwise harmed by Section 3209. [FN5] At best, the record shows that Section 3209 would inhibit abortions " 'to some degree' " or that "some women [would] be less likely to choose to have an abortion by virtue of the presence" of Section 3209. Thornburgh, 476 U.S. at 828, 106 S.Ct. at 2214 (O'Connor, J., dissenting), quoting Akron, 462 U.S. at 464, 103 S.Ct. at 2510 (O'Connor, J., dissenting). [FN6] And even with respect to these women, the plaintiffs did not show that the impact of Section 3209 would be any greater or any different from the impact of the notice requirement upheld in Matheson. Consequently, the plaintiffs failed to prove that Section 3209 would impose an undue burden.
FN5. In considering whether Section 3209 would impose an undue burden, I do not take into account a fact that seems glaringly apparent, i.e., that Section 3209 would be difficult to enforce and easy to evade. Section 3209 does not require a woman to provide any proof of notification other than her own unnotarized statement. Thus, if a woman claimed that she had orally notified her husband in private (the mode and place of notification to be expected in most cases), it would be exceedingly difficult in most cases for the Commonwealth to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that she had not done so.
Proving that a woman violated the law due to a false statement concerning one of the exceptions would also be hard. As noted (see footnote 4, supra ), the Commonwealth would have to prove that the woman did not "believe [the statement] to be true" (18 Pa.Cons.Stat.Ann. § 4904(b) (1983)). Consequently, if a woman certified that she did not notify her husband because he was not the father, the Commonwealth would have to prove that she subjectively believed that the husband was the father. Or, if a woman certified that she did not notify her husband because she had reason to believe that this would lead to the infliction of bodily injury upon her, the Commonwealth would have to prove that the woman subjectively believed that she would not be harmed. It seems likely, therefore, that Section 3209, if allowed to take effect, would be widely evaded and infrequently enforced and would consequently be less likely to produce either the good or bad effects that the opposing parties claim.
FN6. The plaintiffs' proof may be separated into five categories. First, they offered testimony that a spousal notification requirement would sometimes delay an abortion or necessitate an extra trip to the abortion provider (see 744 F.Supp. at 1360). But as the majority properly concludes in rejecting identical objections to the 24-hour waiting period required by Section 3205(a) (see majority opin. at 706-07), these potential effects do not amount to an undue burden. See Akron, 462 U.S. at 472-74, 103 S.Ct. at 2515-16 (O'Connor, J., dissenting).
Second, the plaintiffs offered testimony that the exceptions in Section 3209 would not cover a case in which a woman did not want to notify her husband for fear that he would retaliate in some way other than the infliction of bodily injury upon her, such as by subjecting her to psychological abuse or abusing their children (see 744 F.Supp. at 1360- 62). The plaintiffs, however, do not appear to have offered any evidence showing how many (or indeed that any actual women) would be affected by this asserted imperfection in the statute.
Third, the plaintiffs introduced general evidence about the problem of spouse abuse (see 744 F.Supp. at 1361). They offered widely varying statistics concerning the dimensions of the problem, as well as evidence that battering occurs in all socioeconomic groups and is sometimes fatal. This proof, while documenting the existence of a broad national problem, provides no basis for any estimate of what is relevant herethe impact of Section 3209.
Fourth, the plaintiffs offered evidence that "mere notification of pregnancy is frequently a flashpoint for battering" (see 744 F.Supp. at 1361). This proof indicates when violence is likely to occur in an abusive marriage but provides no basis for determining how many women would be adversely affected by Section 3209.
Finally, the plaintiffs offered the opinion of one of their witnesses that most battered women would be psychologically incapable of taking advantage of Section 3209's fourth exception, i.e., the exception for cases in which the woman has reason to fear that notification will lead to the infliction of bodily harm upon her (see 744 F.Supp. at 1363). However, the plaintiffs failed to show how many of the women potentially affected by Section 3209 (married women seeking abortions without notifying their husbands) are victims of battering. Thus, the opinion offered by their expert, even if taken at face value, merely describes the likely behavior of most of the women in a group of unknown size. Clearly, then, this evidence does not show how many women would be inhibited or otherwise harmed by Section 3209. I cannot believe that a state statute may be held facially unconstitutional simply because one expert testifies that in her opinion the provision would harm a completely unknown number of women.
Needless to say, the plight of any women, no matter how few, who may suffer physical abuse or other harm as a result of this provision is a matter of grave concern. It is apparent that the Pennsylvania legislature considered this problem and attempted to prevent Section 3209 from causing adverse effects by adopting the four exceptions noted above. Whether the legislature's approach represents sound public policy is not a question for us to decide. Our task here is simply to decide whether Section 3209 meets constitutional standards. The first step in this analysis is to determine whether Section 3209 has been shown to create an undue burden under Supreme Court precedent, and for the reasons just explained it seems clear that an undue burden has not been established.
B. This conclusion is not undermined (and may indeed be supported) by the portion of Justice O'Connor's opinion in Hodgson regarding the constitutionality of the two-parent notice requirement without judicial bypass. The majority in this case interprets Justice O'Connor's opinion to mean that this requirement imposed an undue burden and did not serve a "compelling" interest. Majority opin. at 696. I interpret Justice O'Connor's opinion differently. I do not read her opinion to mean that the two-parent notice requirement without judicial bypass constituted an undue burden. Rather, I interpret her opinion to mean that this requirement was unconstitutional because it was not reasonably related to a legitimate state interest. Thus, I do not believe that her opinion (or the Court's holding) supports the majority's conclusion in the present case that the spousal notification requirement in Section 3209 imposes an undue burden.
In Hodgson, Justice Stevens wrote the lead opinion discussing the unconstitutionality of the two-parent notification requirement without judicial bypass, and Justice O'Connor joined most of Justice Stevens' opinion (see 110 S.Ct. at 2949 (O'Connor, J., concurring). Thus, in interpreting Justice O'Connor's position, it is helpful to begin with the relevant portions of Justice Stevens' opinion.
Two portions of Justice Stevens' opinion, Parts III and VII, are most important for present purposes. In Part III, Justice Stevens discussed the applicable constitutional standard. Nowhere in this portion of his opinion (or indeed in any portion of his opinion) did Justice Stevens make reference to "strict," "exacting," or "heightened" scrutiny or any of the terminology associated with that level of review. Instead, he concluded that the statute failed to satisfy even the least demanding standard of review. He wrote (110 S.Ct. at 2937): "Under any analysis, the ... statute cannot be sustained if the obstacles it imposes are not reasonably related to legitimate state interests."
In Part VII of his opinion, Justice Stevens explained (id. at 2945) why the two-parent notice requirement did not "reasonably further any legitimate state interest." Thus it seems clear that Justice Stevens' opinion concluded that the two-parent notice requirement without judicial bypass was unconstitutional because it failed some variant of the rational relationship test. In my view, Justice O'Connor's opinion in Hodgson did not subject this requirement to a more exacting level of scrutiny. Although Justice O'Connor did not join Part III of Justice Stevens' opinion (in which he discussed the general constitutional standard that he applied), Justice O'Connor wrote as follows (110 S.Ct. at 2949-50 (emphasis added)):
It has been my understanding in this area that "[i]f the particular regulation does not 'unduly burde[n]' the fundamental right, ... then our evaluation of that regulation is limited to our determination that the regulation rationally relates to a legitimate state purpose." .... It is with that understanding that I agree with Justice Stevens' statement "that the statute cannot be sustained if the obstacles it imposes are not reasonably related to legitimate state interests."
I interpret this to mean that Justice O'Connor agreed with Justice Stevens that the challenged statute should be judged under the rational relationship test. I do not think that she would have expressed general agreement with Justice Stevens' statement of the governing legal standard if she believed that the statute imposed an *725 undue burden and was thus required to satisfy an entirely different legal standard. I also do not think that she would have concluded that the statute created an undue burden without explaining the basis for that conclusion. Moreover, Justice O'Connor joined Part VII of Justice Stevens' opinion, in which, as previously noted, Justice Stevens concluded that the two-parent notice requirement without judicial bypass was not "reasonably" related to any "legitimate interest." I do not think that Justice O'Connor would have joined this portion of Justice Stevens' opinion if her position regarding the constitutionality of the provision was based on a fundamentally different analysis. Thus, I conclude that Justice O'Connor found the two-parent notice statute unconstitutional under the rational relationship test. This must mean either (a) that she did not believe that this requirement constituted an undue burden or (b) that she did not find it necessary to reach that question because she believed that the requirement could not even pass the rational relationship test. In either event, her position in no way undermines my conclusion that Section 3209 has not been shown to create an undue burden. [FN7]
FN7. In the portion of her opinion concluding that the two-parent notification requirement with judicial bypass was constitutional, Justice O'Connor wrote (110 S.Ct. at 2950 (emphasis added)): "In a series of cases, this Court has explicitly approved judicial bypass as a means of tailoring a parental consent provision so as to avoid unduly burdening the minor's limited right to obtain an abortion." I interpret this statement to mean that a judicial bypass option prevents a consent requirement (which would otherwise amount to an absolute veto) from creating an undue burden. This statement is therefore fully consistent with my view that Justice O'Connor did not find that an undue burden was created by the two-parent notice requirement without judicial bypass.
III.
Since Section 3209 has not been proven to impose an undue burden, it must serve a "legitimate" (but not necessarily a "compelling") state interest. The majority acknowledges that this provision serves a "legitimate" interest, namely, the state's interest in furthering the husband's interest in the fetus. See majority opin. at 715, 716. I agree with this conclusion, and I do not think that this point requires extended discussion.
The Supreme Court has held that a man has a fundamental interest in preserving his ability to father a child. Skinner v. Oklahoma, 316 U.S. 535, 541, 62 S.Ct. 1110, 1113, 86 L.Ed. 1655 (1942). The Court's opinions also seem to establish that a husband who is willing to participate in raising a child has a fundamental interest in the child's welfare. Michael H. v. Gerald D., 491 U.S. 110, 123, 109 S.Ct. 2333, 2342, 105 L.Ed.2d 91 (1989); Quilloin v. Walcott, 434 U.S. 246, 98 S.Ct. 549, 54 L.Ed.2d 511 (1978); Caban v. Mohammed, 441 U.S. 380, 99 S.Ct. 1760, 60 L.Ed.2d 297 (1969); Stanley v. Illinois, 405 U.S. 645, 92 S.Ct. 1208, 31 L.Ed.2d 551 (1972). It follows that a husband has a "legitimate" interest in the welfare of a fetus he has conceived with his wife.
To be sure, the Supreme Court held in Planned Parenthood of Missouri v. Danforth, 428 U.S. 52, 67-72, 96 S.Ct. 2831, 2840-43, 49 L.Ed.2d 788 (1976), that a potential father may not be given the legal authority to veto an abortion, and thus the Court apparently held that the potential father's interest was not "compelling." But the Court did not question the legitimacy of this interest. On the contrary, the Court wrote (id. at 69, 96 S.Ct. at 2841 (emphasis added)): "We are not unaware of the deep and proper concern and interest that a devoted and protective husband has in his wife's pregnancy and in the growth and development of the fetus she is carrying." See also id. at 93, 96 S.Ct. at 2852 (White, J., dissenting) ("A father's interest in having a childperhaps his only childmay be unmatched by any other interest in his life"). Since a "deep and proper ... interest" appears indistinguishable from a "legitimate" interest, it seems clear that a husband has a "legitimate" interest in the fate of the fetus.
This interest may be legitimately furthered by state legislation. "[S]tatutory regulation of domestic relations [is] an area *726 that has long been regarded as a virtually exclusive province of the States." Sosna v. Iowa, 419 U.S. 393, 404, 95 S.Ct. 553, 560, 42 L.Ed.2d 532 (1975). See also Moore v. East Cleveland, 431 U.S. 494, 499, 97 S.Ct. 1932, 1935, 52 L.Ed.2d 531 (1977); Scheinberg v. Smith, 659 F.2d 476, 483-94 (5th Cir.1981). Accordingly, Pennsylvania has a legitimate interest in furthering the husband's interest in the fate of the fetus, as the majority in this case acknowledges.
IV.
The remaining question is whether Section 3209 is "rationally" or "reasonably" related to this interest. Under the rational relationship test, which developed in equal protection cases, "legislation carries with it a presumption of rationality that can only be overcome by a clear showing of arbitrariness and irrationality." Hodel v. Indiana, 452 U.S. 314, 331-32, 101 S.Ct. 2376, 2386-87, 69 L.Ed.2d 40 (1981). This test does not permit the invalidation of legislation simply because it is "deemed unwise or unartfully drawn." U.S. Railroad Retirement Board v. Fritz, 449 U.S. 166, 175, 101 S.Ct. 453, 459, 66 L.Ed.2d 368 (1981). Legislation does not violate this test simply because it produces some adverse effects. Id.; Lindsley v. Natural Carbonic Gas Co., 220 U.S. 61, 78, 31 S.Ct. 337, 340, 55 L.Ed. 369 (1911). As the Court wrote in Dandridge v. Williams, 397 U.S. 471, 485-86, 90 S.Ct. 1153, 1161-62, 25 L.Ed.2d 491 (1970):
"The problems of government are practical ones and may justify, if they do not require, rough accommodationsillogical, it may be, and unscientific." Metropolis Theatre Co. v. City of Chicago, 228 U.S. 61, 68-70 [33 S.Ct. 441, 443, 57 L.Ed. 730 (1913) ]....
... [The rational-basis standard] is true to the principle that the Fourteenth Amendment gives the federal courts no power to impose upon the States their views of what constitutes wise economic or social policy.
See also Dallas v. Stanglin, 490 U.S. 19, 25-27, 109 S.Ct. 1591, 1595-96, 104 L.Ed.2d 18 (1989); Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Center, Inc., 473 U.S. 432, 439-40, 105 S.Ct. 3249, 3253-54, 87 L.Ed.2d 313 (1985). Rather, "those challenging the legislative judgment must convince the Court that the legislative facts on which the classification is apparently based could not reasonably be conceived to be true by the governmental decisionmaker." Vance v. Bradley, 440 U.S. 93, 111, 99 S.Ct. 939, 949, 59 L.Ed.2d 171 (1979). See also Hancock Industries v. Schaeffer, 811 F.2d 225, 238 (3d Cir.1987).
Even assuming that the rational relationship test is more demanding in the present context than in most equal protection cases, that test is satisfied here. The Pennsylvania legislature could have rationally believed that some married women are initially inclined to obtain an abortion without their husbands' knowledge because of perceived problemssuch as economic constraints, future plans, or the husbands' previously expressed oppositionthat may be obviated by discussion prior to the abortion. In addition, the legislature could have reasonably concluded that Section 3209 would lead to such discussion and thereby properly further a husband's interests in the fetus in a sufficient percentage of the affected cases to justify enactment of this measure. Although the plaintiffs and supporting amici argue that Section 3209 will do little if any good and will produce appreciable adverse effects, the Pennsylvania legislature presumably decided that the law on balance would be beneficial. We have no authority to overrule that legislative judgment even if we deem it "unwise" or worse. U.S. Railroad Retirement Board v. Fritz, 449 U.S. at 175, 101 S.Ct. at 459. "We should not forget that 'legislatures are ultimate guardians of the liberty and welfare of the people in quite as great a degree as the courts.' " Akron v. Akron Center For Reproductive Health, 462 U.S. at 465, 103 S.Ct. at 2511 (O'Connor, J., dissenting), quoting Missouri, K. & T.R. Co. v. May, 194 U.S. 267, 270, 24 S.Ct. 638, 639, 48 L.Ed. 971 (1904). Clearly, the plaintiffs have not shown that "the legislative facts on which [the statute] is apparently based could not reasonably be conceived to be true by the governmental decisionmaker." Vance v. Bradley, 440 U.S. at 111, 99 S.Ct. at 949. Thus, Section 3209 is rationally related to a legitimate state interest and may not be invalidated under the Supreme Court's abortion precedents. [FN8]
FN8. The plaintiffs argue that the district court's decision may be affirmed on alternative constitutional grounds not adopted by that court, i.e., that Section 3209 violates the rights to marital and informational privacy and equal protection. Because the majority has relied solely on the abortion right in affirming the district court, I do not address these alternative grounds.
Aussie government pulls an old Dubya adminstration trick.
Faced with increasing opposition to his proposed draconian anti-terrorism laws, Australian PM John Howard says that he has 'specific intelligence' about a possible 'terrorist threat' to the country. Howard, of course, hasn't revealed any details of that threat, citing security reasons. But he did say that his government planned to rush through its new terror law so that the country could deal with the new threat.
It all sounds pretty familar if you live in the US, doesn't it? We wonder if the new Aussie terror law will include color-coded threat levels that the government can manipulate whenever it has political problems?
Via Reuters.
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Posted by Magpie at 6:20 PM |
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How many more decades ...
... are we going to have to keep having to read reports like this one?
The report we're talking about comes from the National Women's Law Center. It shows how despite more than three decades in which sex discrimination in education has been banned by US laws the separation of students learning trades into 'boy classes' and 'girl classes' has largely continued. According to the report, girls who buck trends and enroll in areas of study 'traditionally' filled with boys often face harassment from other students and, sometimes, from their teachers as well. This continuing exclusion of girls from non-traditional fields not only limits their educational opportunities, but it limits their earning power as adults.
In the entire state of Maryland, for example, only a single girl is studying electrical engineering in a high school technical program. And girls represent only two percent of students studying to be automotive technicians in New Jersey. Nationally, the picture is little better: girls make up 87 percent of students in traditionally female fields and only 15 percent of those in traditionally male fields.
The dollars-and-cents difference in payoff is startling: girls who take up traditionally female occupations can expect to earn half or less what they could make if they went into such traditionally male fields as auto repair, welding, or engineering....
Girls are discouraged from pursuing these lucrative traditionally male fields in a variety of subtle and not-so-subtle ways. A high school student in Michigan, for example, reported that a counselor "tried to talk me out of" enrolling in auto body courses. A high school student in Pennsylvania was told by her classmates that girls were not supposed to take masonry classes. And a young woman in an air conditioning repair program in Illinois described how she was sexually harassed by her fellow students while her male teachers did nothing to stop her peers, and sometimes joined in themselves.
Despite the persistence of these gender-based divisions, the NWLC report emphasizes that there's nothing natural or inevitable about them. The problem is that existing laws haven't been used to deal with the problem. For example, Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 [the same law that has forced colleges to fund women's sports at the same level as men's] bans gender stereotyping and sexual harassment &151; and provides legal remedies for girls whose rights have been violated. The problem is that most students [and their parents] don't know that this law exists, and the feds have done little to change this situation. A similar situation exists with state laws, which sometimes would provide even stronger tools against gender-based discrimination.
You can read an executive summary of 'Tools of the Trade' here [PDF file]. The full report is available here [another PDF file].
The NWLC has also put together 'toolkits' that provide 'a customized roadmap for girls, their parents and advocates, educational professionals and state personnel to apply their laws to improve opportunities for girls to participate in nontraditional training.' There are toolkits for twelve states, plus a general toolkit for use in other states. You'll find links to the tookits here [scroll down].
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Posted by Magpie at 3:00 PM |
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Dubya [mostly] bungles the US response to avian flu.
We have to admit that his big flu plan didn't sound terribly impressive to us, consisting mainly of stuff the US should have been doing years ago, such as giving aid to countries already affected by avian flu. But the part about tossing money at the big pharmaceutical companies that, until quite recently, found too little profit in preparing for a pandemic really got us riled.
And it pissed off Effect Measure, too. We yield the floor:
If Bush really wanted to get us ready for a pandemic, he would get our critical infrastructures ready, especially public health and the health care system. Instead what we got is a proposal to throw money at the problem, with most of it destined to stick to the walls of Big Drug Companies. The public is like the person with a broken leg who is wheeled into the Bush Emergency Room and is told Bush doesn't do broken bones but Doctor Frist and company would be glad to give them a rectal exam.
The threat of a pandemic is serious. This plan isn't serious. It's a distraction to divert attention from Miers, Scooter, Iraq, Katrina and all the other crap Bush has served up. Watch the birdies (they might have the flu) while the other hand is stripping you bare and handing your possessions over to Big Pharma, Halliburton and Big Oil. That's a disgrace.
The rest of the post picks apart Dubya's flu proposals in far more detail. Yes, it's a must-read.
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Posted by Magpie at 2:25 PM |
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Unfortunately ...
The sign below was photoshopped. No such sign really exists, unless you count all those internet messages that have spread yet another urban legend.
[Photographer unknown]
Still, it's something to hope for, isn't it?
Via Snopes.com.
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Posted by Magpie at 12:55 PM |
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Monday, October 31, 2005
Comments are down.
Hopefully Squawkbox will sort out the problem soon.
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Posted by Magpie at 5:37 PM |
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C'mon. You know you were thinking this, too.
A question from CBS White House correspondent John Roberts to White House press secretary Scott McClellan at during a press gaggle today:
Roberts: "Scott, you said that- or the President said, repeatedly. that Harriet Miers was the best person for the job. So does that mean Alito is sloppy seconds, or what?
Don't be fooled by all the costumes, candy, fun, and games. While you might think that Halloween is an innocent children's holiday, fundy cartoonist Jack Chick wants you to know that the evil specter of Satan himself is abroad.
You can read the rest of this shocking story here.
Thanks to Pharyngula for the reminder about Chick's stuff.
More: Did we mention that the candy was evil? Actually, we should have said that the candy was really evil. As our pal Lab Kat explains.
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Posted by Magpie at 3:16 PM |
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Loose lips sink ... Tri-State University?
We weren't even holding a contest for the most ill-considered policy from a US university, and we already have a nominee.
The policy, sent via e-mail to all employees and students Oct. 14, instructs the campus community not to answer questions from reporters without prior permission from the university's Department of Brand & Integrated Marketing. If a reporter contacts employees or students without the knowledge of the marketing department, they should refuse to answer questions and contact the department, the policy states.
The policy also instructs students not to invite reporters or media representatives onto campus or into a dormitory. [Emphasis added]
According to the newspaper, many students thought the new rule was laughable. Others, however, were afraid of talking to the Journal Gazette's reporter out of fear of retaliation from university administrators.
The university, for its part, says that the rule is mainly intended to channel information requests to people who are used to dealing with the media. And, they add, no student will be punished for talking to the press. [We note that the article says nothing about what will happen to university employees who break the new rule.]
Others, though, aren't so sure the purpose of the rule is benign:
Some upperclassmen on campus Sunday said the new policy sounds like an attempt to prevent students from going public about issues such as the loss of talented professors over the past few years and a Web site redesign that they say is less functional.
That's how Ellen Conrad understood it as she read a magazine in her Campus Village apartment.
"What does that mean?" she said after hearing the policy for the first time. "To me, I guess it just makes me feel that we shouldn't give the wrong opinion. I think that sounds ridiculous."
Free speech advocates also give the rule poor reviews:
"That might be a good policy if you're in Stalinist Russia, but I'm not sure it applies to northeast Indiana," said Steve Key, general counsel for the Hoosier State Press Association, a newspaper trade group. He took issue with a policy "infringing on one of the most important rights, and that's freedom of speech."
But hey, what's a constitutional right between friends?
Via Romenesko.
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Posted by Magpie at 2:00 PM |
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Officials caution against making too much of these findings, given that almost half of birds tested in Canada carry some strain of avian flu. The HN51 strain has not so far turned up on this side of the world, however, and Canadian authorities say that there's no indication so far that this strain was present in the birds from Manitoba and Quebec:
"These findings do not indicate that we are dealing with a virus strain capable of causing significant illness," Jim Clark of the Canadian Food Inspection Agency said.
"It's important to clarify that the avian influenza virus is not new to wild birds," he added.
Test results should settle the question of which H5 strain is present among Canadian birds by the middle of this week.
Via Canadian Press and BBC.
More: Recombinomics has this take on the news from Canada:
The only evidence that would indicate that the birds are not infected with Asian HPAI H5N1 wild bird flu would be sequence data or an IVPI test. Simply noting that the birds were healthy would not give much information.
H5N1 has been isolated from healthy wild birds in Russia. The H5N1 was closely related to H5N1 from Qinghai Lake and has RRRKKR at the HA cleavage site was well as the PB2 polymorphism E627K.
Sequence data should conclusively tell the story. H5 has been found previously in the Americas. But it is fairly rare and HPAI H5N1 with RRRKKR at the HA cleavage site has never been reported in the Americas.
The sequence of the HA cleavage site should be obtained quickly, and the result would determine if H5N1 wild bird flu has migrated to North America.